Viraj Popat: Austerity Wasn’t The Problem. The Debt Was

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For over a decade, “austerity” has been treated as a dirty word in British political debate.  Critics on the left blame the 2010-2015 spending cuts for stagnant wages, crumbling public  services, and rising inequality. But this narrative gets the causation backwards. The real threat  to Britain’s economic health was never fiscal restraint; it was the unsustainable debt burden  that made restraint necessary in the first place. 

The Fiscal Reality of 2010 

When the Coalition government took office in 2010, the UK’s budget deficit stood at roughly  10% of GDP, among the highest in the developed world, a legacy of the 2008 financial crisis  and the spending decisions that preceded it. Public sector net debt was on a trajectory that,  left unchecked, risked a genuine sovereign debt crisis. Markets were already nervous; several  

eurozone economies were being forced into far harsher adjustments under pressure from  bond markets rather than by choice. 

Given this starting point, the question was never “cuts or no cuts?” It was “controlled, gradual  consolidation now, or a forced, chaotic one later?” Conservative fiscal policy chose the  former, a deliberate, if painful, path back to sustainability. 

Debt Is Not A Victimless Alternative 

Critics of austerity often imply that borrowing more would have been cost-free. It would not  have been. Higher deficits mean higher debt-servicing costs, which crowd out spending on the  very services (the NHS, education, welfare) that critics wanted protected. Every additional  pound spent servicing debt interest is a pound not spent on hospitals or schools. By the early  2020s, debt interest payments were consuming a growing share of the UK budget, a burden  made heavier by the debt accumulated in the 2010s and dramatically worsened by  pandemic-era borrowing. 

Fiscal conservatives argue that intergenerational fairness matters too: unrestrained borrowing  today is a tax on tomorrow’s taxpayers, who inherit both the debt and the interest obligations  without having had any say in the spending decisions that created them. 

The Multiplier Debate, And Why It Doesn’t Settle The Argument 

It’s true that economists such as Olivier Blanchard argued that fiscal multipliers during the  post-crisis period were larger than the Treasury initially assumed, meaning cuts may have  dampened growth more than expected in the short run. This is a fair and important critique,  and a rigorous conservative case for austerity should engage with it rather than dismiss it. 

But the multiplier debate concerns the short-term growth cost of consolidation; it does not  resolve the long-term question of debt sustainability. A government that ignores its structural 

deficit indefinitely on the grounds that short-run multipliers are unfavourable is simply  deferring a larger reckoning. The Conservative position is not that austerity was costless. It is  that the alternative, unmanaged debt growth, carried larger and more dangerous long-term  risks: higher borrowing costs, reduced fiscal space to respond to future shocks (a lesson  painfully relearned in 2020), and eventual forced austerity on terms dictated by creditors  rather than by elected governments. 

Learning From International Comparisons 

The UK’s experience was not unique. Across the eurozone periphery, countries such as  Greece, Portugal and Ireland faced far more severe austerity, imposed not by their own  elected governments but by external creditors once market confidence had already  collapsed. Ireland’s return to growth after a painful adjustment is instructive: by restoring  fiscal credibility, it regained access to affordable borrowing and rebuilt investor confidence  faster than many predicted. The lesson for Britain is that acting early and on one’s own terms,  however unpopular, is preferable to being forced into far deeper cuts later under conditions  dictated by bond markets or international lenders. 

This is the deeper conservative insight: fiscal credibility is not an abstract technocratic goal. It  has real, tangible consequences for how much a country pays to borrow, how quickly it can  respond to future shocks, and how much control it retains over its own economic policy.  Countries that lose that credibility do not simply face slower growth; they lose sovereignty  over their own budgets. 

Discipline As The Foundation Of Growth 

Fiscal conservatives don’t oppose public investment; they argue it must be built on sound  foundations. Just as no household or business can borrow indefinitely without consequence,  no state can either. Sustainable growth requires investors and markets to trust that a  government’s finances are on a credible path, and that credibility is what disciplined fiscal  policy is designed to protect. 

The lesson of the past fifteen years is not that austerity failed. It’s that failing to run  sustainable public finances in the good years is what forces painful austerity in the bad ones.  The Conservative answer is to avoid that trap altogether: discipline in normal times, so that  the state retains the capacity to act decisively when crises, inevitably, arrive. 

Word count: 792 words 

References 

Blanchard, O. and Leigh, D. (2013) Growth Forecast Errors and Fiscal Multipliers, IMF Working  Paper WP/13/1. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund.

HM Treasury (2010) Budget 2010. London: HM Treasury. 

Office for Budget Responsibility (2015) Economic and Fiscal Outlook: March 2015. London:  OBR. 

Office for National Statistics (2023) Public Sector Finances, UK. London: ONS. Office for Budget Responsibility (2023) Fiscal Risks and Sustainability Report. London: OBR. Osborne, G. (2010) Speech on the Emergency Budget, HM Treasury, 22 June 2010. 

Whelan, K. (2014) ‘Ireland’s Economic Crisis: The Good, the Bad and the Ugly’, Journal of  Macroeconomics, 39, pp. 424-440.

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