In the UK, foreign affairs are traditionally the responsibility of Westminster over devolved governments. Despite this, UK nations such as Scotland are still highly active internationally through paradiplomacy. Paradiplomacy is when sub-state units engage in international relations, both with other below-state actors and established states (Chatterji and Saha 2017). Scotland’s paradiplomacy appears strong in areas such as international development programmes and ties with the US, EU and China (Lynch 2020). Coming from the perspective of an international relations student interested in Scottish foreign policy as well as being pro-independence, I decided to explore how a future YES vote could benefit Scotland abroad, analysed through Scotland’s economic and feminist foreign policies.
Firstly, Scotland’s economic foreign policy. One major issue in this area for Scotland is trade deals; the UK Government retains responsibility for negotiating. These affect devolved areas including fishing and agriculture but Westminster remains unwilling to allow serious Scottish involvement (Fontanelli 2021). Despite a very limited role for Holyrood, there has been recent successes, especially with whisky. This is a significant Scottish industry; in 2025 it was worth £5.36 billion and made up 72% of Holyrood’s food and drink exports (Scotch Whisky Association 2026). First Minister John Swinney travelled to the White House in September 2025 for talks with Trump regarding whisky tariffs; the President later credited Swinney for influencing his whisky thinking (Carrell 2026). This shows Edinburgh’s influence and ability to conduct effective relations with major states. Independence would allow Scotland to build upon this, through having the power to directly negotiate deals that put Scottish concerns at the centre.
Independence could also enhance Scotland’s economic foreign policy towards the EU. Scotland could actively pursue stronger EU relations through being able to seek accession as an independent state. Membership unlocks a 450 million consumer market and removes trade barriers such as tariffs (The Scottish Government 2023), which is significant because the EU accounts for 45% of Scotland’s international exports (The Scottish Government 2025). This membership would come in tandem with Scotland establishing embassies, institutions that are increasingly deployed to promote economic interests. (Rose 2007). EU membership combined with a greater diplomatic network would allow Scotland to deepen these international ties, significantly strengthening an economic foreign policy centered around key Scottish industries.
Even if Scotland was represented economically by a higher authority in the EU, its position would still be strengthened compared to Westminster taking responsibility. Scotland would benefit from operating with twenty seven other member states, generating far greater bargaining power than Britain. Edinburgh could also veto mixed trade agreements that touched on its competences because all member countries must agree unanimously to these deals being signed. Small states have utilised this power, such as Cyprus halting the EU-Canada deal due to agricultural, environmental and labour protection concerns (Investment Treaty News 2020). This demonstrates the real influence that small states can have in terms of economic foreign policy inside the EU. An independent Scotland having this level of influence would starkly contrast with its current position in the UK.
Turning to Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP). Edinburgh has already demonstrated potential through its paradiplomatic international development, such as investing in programmes in Malawi and Zambia to prevent gender based violence and to train law enforcement (The Scottish Government 2024). This contrasts with recent UK cuts; Westminster plans to slash aid spending by 42% from 2023-2027 (Independent Commission for Aid Impact 2026), which demonstrates the strong Scottish divergence and distinct identity.
Independence would bring opportunities to enhance the FFP through avenues such as establishing a foreign office with the full powers of an independent state. This would allow for more resources and staff to be dedicated to feminist foreign projects, for example the African development work, without devolution’s constraints and adherence to UK lines. Scotland could also strengthen its FFP by directly joining the UN. Similar sized states, for example Ireland, work directly with major UN agencies such as UNICEF, the WFP and the WHO; Dublin recently contributed €36 million from 2023-27 to improve nutrition for women and children (WFP 2024). If Scotland could follow a similar path to Ireland and gain the opportunity to work with these bodies directly, Edinburgh’s FFP would have a greater scope. This then allows Scotland to counter aid cuts more effectively and build on paradiplomatic work.
Alongside international development, independence could give Scotland’s FFP a greater impact in defence related engagements with other states, principally through nuclear weapons and arms sales. Feminists oppose nuclear weapons because they act as symbols of masculine power, as well as having disproportionate impacts on women and children (Rose-Brown 2023). Independence would give Scotland power to remove nuclear weapons and sign disarmament treaties, allowing the Scottish FFP to honour these feminist values. On arms, Sweden banned weapons exports to Saudi Arabia because of its poor record on human rights (Gulf Centre for Human Rights 2015). Westminster controls UK arms exports, but the SNP have previously opposed sales (Macleod 2021). Scotland could follow suit in banning trade with states that abuse human rights as part of its FFP with the powers of independence. This would allow a Scottish FFP to contribute to pressuring states to respect human rights, giving it an opportunity to contribute to the shaping of international norms and making Scotland a world leader in FFP.
In conclusion, Scotland’s foreign policy could benefit significantly with independence. Economically, Scotland could build upon paradiplomacy, enjoy closer EU ties, and have more say over trade negotiations. On feminist foreign policy, Scotland could benefit through being able to allocate more resources to international development that supports women and girls whilst working with international organisations. This would allow Scotland to counter aid cuts more effectively and be free from adherence to British lines. Scotland could also take defence related action such as banning nuclear weapons and arms sales to countries with poor human rights records, allowing a Scottish FFP to affirm a stronger commitment to feminist values.
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